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Why all John's Friends are Dutch, Not German: On the Determiner-Like Characteristics of the Inflection on the Universal Quantifier in West Germanic

机译:为什么所有约翰的朋友都是荷兰人而不是德国人:论西日耳曼语中通用量词的拐折特征

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摘要

The word order in a phrase such as all John's friends, in which a universal quantifier is immediately followed by a genitive, is perfectly grammatical in Dutch but unacceptable in German. This article shows that there are three explanations for this difference between the two closely related languages. First, in German, the Saxon Genitive is a true case assigned in Spec, NP. In contrast, in Dutch and English, genitive case cannot be assigned in Spec, NP without a preposition. The Saxon Genitive in these languages is comparable to a possessive adjective that originates as the head of PossP and moves to D. Second, in a definite DP in a Germanic language, either D or Spec, DP must be occupied; if one of these positions is overtly occupied, and if genitive case has already been assigned, the movement of a genitive phrase to D or Spec, DP is unmotivated and causes ungrammaticality. Third, there is evidence that the -e inflection on the universal quantifier alle ‘all’ in German and Dutch has the characteristics of a determiner.
机译:像约翰所有朋友一样的短语中的词序(在该词中紧接着一个通用量词后跟一个属格)在荷兰语中完全是语法,但在德语中是不可接受的。本文说明了两种密切相关的语言之间的区别的三种解释。首先,在德文中,Saxon Genitive是NP规格中指定的真实案例。相反,在荷兰语和英语中,在没有介词的情况下,不能在规范NP中指定属格格。在这些语言中,撒克逊人的形容词可与所有格形容词相媲美,后者是PossP的首领并移至D。第二,在日耳曼语系的确定DP中,必须占用D或Spec。如果这些位置之一明显被占用,并且如果已经指定了属格格,则属格短语向D或Spec,DP的移动是无动机的,并且会导致不合语法。第三,有证据表明,通用量词alle中的-e变体德文和荷兰文具有确定子的特征。

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    Cirillo, R.;

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  • 年度 2016
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